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📢 Narrated by David McCallion
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📚 Sources:
John Haldon – Byzantium at War AD 600 – 1463
Ian Heath & Angus McBride – Byzantine Armies 886-1118
Ian Heath & Angus McBride – Byzantine Armies 1118 – 1461
Judith Herring – Byzantium: The Surprising Life of a Medieval Empire
David Nicholle – Manzikert 1071: The Breaking of Byzantium
John Julius Norwich – The Normans in the South
Paul Stephenson – The Legend of Basil the Bulgar Slayer
#romanempire #documentary #medieval
The mid-900s saw a period of remarkably peaceful relations between the two major powers of the Balkan Peninsula, the Byzantine Empire, and the traditionally hostile Bulgarian Empire. This stood in stark contrast to the beginning of the 10th century, as a war raged between Bulgaria
And Eastern Rome that spanned over a decade and saw the former dominate the latter. In the aftermath of this clash, the Bulgarian Empire enjoyed the status of undisputed master of Southeastern Europe. Yet, as the century progressed, the balance of power gradually began to shift back towards Byzantium.
The Eastern Roman Empire, essentially reduced to its Asian provinces, was still a significant power in the Mediterranean world. With that in mind, the successors of Augustus and Constantine were fixated on reclaiming the lost imperial lands. Such a revival, however, would be no mean feat,
With several serious obstacles standing between the Byzantines and their former glory. But then… a certain young boy by the name of Basil II was crowned emperor… In 963, emperor Romanus II passed away at age 26, leaving his two sons, both under the age of five,
As his only successors. These young boys, the future Emperors Basil II and his brother, Constantine the 8th, were crowned just before the death of their father, but were too young to rule. Their mother, Teophano, a lowborn but brilliant and shrewd woman, was intent on securing the
Unstable position of her family. As one may expect, this was no easy task. Ambitious members of the Anatolian aristocracy were waiting for an opportune moment to usurp the throne. Eunuchs and other conspiring court members sought to pull the strings of government.
To secure her position, the imperial widow searched for a suitable groom. And she soon found one in Nicephorus Phocas, a brilliant Anatolian general who had just finished the reconquest of the Muslim emirate of Crete. Now the senior Emperor, after his marriage to Teophano,
Nicephorus would go on to have a particularly successful reign. At first, however, the emperor failed to prevent the Fatimid conquests of the final Byzantine outposts on Sicily, and led an inconclusive war in southern Italy against Holy Roman Emperor Otto I. These minor setbacks would
Be soon forgotten after Nicephorus’s victories against the Syrian Hamdanid dynasty and the recovery of the crucial region of Cilicia, after a series of successful campaigns. It was around 966, in the aftermath of these gains, that Bulgarian envoys arrived in Constantinople.
Since 927, the Bulgarian Empire had been ruled by Tsar Peter, who ushered in a 4-decade-long peace between his state and Byzantium. As part of this peace, the Romans were obliged to pay an annual tribute to the Bulgarians, who in return would prevent Hungarian and
Other Nomadic tribes from using Bulgaria as a staging ground to raid Byzantine territory. However, exhausted by decades of dry weather and the demanding campaigns of Peter’s predecessor, Bulgaria failed to uphold this promise. Additionally, Peter may have condoned the raids in retaliation for Byzantine support for Serbia in their ongoing conflict with Bulgaria.
Therefore, when Peter’s envoys arrived at Constantinople in 966, Emperor Nicephorus had them beaten and sent back empty-handed to the Bulgarian capital of Preslav. Confident after his success in the east, the Roman Emperor began to shift his attention back to the Balkans.
However, instead of dirtying his own hands, Nicephorus sent envoys and lavish gifts to Kyiv, the capital of the Rus. Having just destroyed the Khazar Khaganate, the prince of Kyiv, Svetoslav, responded enthusiastically to this proposal of a combined invasion of Bulgaria.
In 968, he landed near the Danube delta with an army of around 60 000 men. In mere months, the Kievan prince annihilated all Bulgarian forces he came into contact with, and captured as many as 80 fortresses in the East of the country. Nicephorus was alarmed by the speed with which
The Rus defeated Bulgaria and began to doubt the intentions of Svetoslav. That same year he negotiated a separate peace with Tsar Peter, who sent his young sons Boris and Roman to Constantinople as negotiators and honorary hostages. Soon after, the Byzantine Emperor bribed the nomadic Pechenegs to attack Kyiv. This was initially successful,
As the Rus prince was forced to return to his capital to lift the siege. However, much to the displeasure of both Bulgarians and Romans, Svetoslav returned the following summer, intending to subdue all Eastern Bulgaria. At this critical junction Tsar Peter died from a
Stroke and was succeeded by his son Boris II, who had just returned from Constantinople. These were tumultuous times in Byzantium as well. In December 969, Nicephorus was murdered in his sleep as part of a conspiracy organized by Empress Teophano and the Emperor’s nephew John Tzimiskes,
Who then assumed the throne. The new Emperor had no intentions of sending aid to Bulgaria in their renewed conflict with the Rus. Furthermore, John’s ascension immediately sparked a revolt in Caesarea, led by another nephew of Nicephorus, a man named Bardas Phocas. Realizing his desperate situation, the new Bulgarian Tsar Boris successfully allied
Himself to his former enemy Svetoslav. In 970, a massive Russo-Bulgarian force crossed the Balkan Mountains, conquered Philippopolis, and headed towards Constantinople. In the meantime, John Tsimiskes had sent his trusted “General of the East”, Bardas Skleros, to deal with the rebellion of Bardas Phocas. After swiftly putting down the revolt in Anatolia,
Skleros was sent to Thrace to intercept the Russo-Bulgarian army. By March 970, the Slavic force had reached the town of Arcadiopolis, where they were met and annihilated by Bardas Skleros. Tzimiskes organized an expedition to expel the Rus from the Balkans the following year.
In 971, the Byzantines crossed into Moesia, captured the Bulgarian capital and the major fortress of Dorostolon, and finally forced Svetoslav and his army to leave for good. Following this victory, John transformed the former Bulgarian heartland of Moesia into a Byzantine province, capturing Tsar Boris and proclaiming the country annexed.
Yet, resistance was beginning to mount in the western half of the once strong Bulgarian empire. Preoccupied with his two famous invasions of Syria, Tzismiskes neglected to put any effort into securing the still independent western half of Bulgaria. Four relatives of Tsar Boris, the brothers David, Moses, Aron, and Samuel, organized local resistance.
From 976 onwards, with their base at Sredets, the brothers would launch raids and capture many Byzantine forts in Greece and Macedonia. However, the 2 elder brothers, David and Moses, died as soon as 977. Moses was struck by a stone while he besieged Serres,
Whilst David was murdered by hired thugs. In the meantime, John Tsimiskes passed away in 976 on his return journey from a victorious campaign in Syria. Finally, the firstborn son of the old Emperor Romanos, Basil II, who was now of age, could rule as senior Emperor.
However, for the first ten years of his reign, much of the decision-making fell to Basil’s eunuch uncle, Basil Lakapenus. Their hold on power was immediately challenged as the victor of Arcadiopolis, General Bardas Skleros, was proclaimed Emperor by his forces in Anatolia.
To counter the rebellion, Lakapenus recalled Bardas Phokas from exile, who had previously been defeated by Skleros during his revolt against Emperor Tzimiskes. After losing the first two engagements against Skleros, Bardas Phokas finally defeated the pretender in 979, forcing him to seek refuge in Baghdad. In the meantime, the remaining leaders of
The Bulgarian resistance, Aron, and Samuel managed to expand their control in Greece and Macedonia. In 983, Samuel captured Larissa, the main city of Thessaly and one of the most strategically important Byzantine strongholds in the Balkans. The Romans reacted sluggishly, as tensions between
The young Emperor, his eunuch co-ruler, and the victorious Bardas Phocas reached boiling point. After accusing him of conspiring with Phocas, Basil II removed his uncle from power in 985. Now finally the sole ruler in Constantinople, the young and ambitious Emperor knew that he had to
Prove himself as a capable commander if he was to maintain his position. And so, Basil assembled an army of 25,000 and prepared for an invasion of Western Bulgaria, planning to strike straight at the heart of the country by capturing the new capital of Sredets.
Before beginning the siege, the Byzantine Emperor sought to divide his opposition through diplomacy and guile. Basil offered Aron, who then controlled Sredets, his sister’s hand in marriage. Realizing that the support of the Roman emperor could help him gain control over Bulgaria
And depose his ambitious brother Samuel, Aron accepted Basil’s offer. Yet, instead of sending his actual sister, Anna, Basil sent the wife of an official disguised as the Byzantine princess. Eventually, Aron uncovered the truth and, in an outburst of fury, burnt alive the Byzantine bishop accompanying the woman.
It is worth noting that the occurrence of this incident is contested, with some sources instead suggesting that it was the elder Basil, Lakapenus, who instigated the plot in 976, after which Samuel had Aron and most of his family executed. In any case, conflict was now inevitable,
And Basil’s army began its march towards Sredets early in the summer of 986. By July, Basil neared the border where he captured the fortress of Stenos, which guarded a narrow mountain pass known as Trajan’s Gates. This fortress was a crucial chokepoint that connected Sredets to Philippopolis.
By the end of the month, the Byzantines reached Sredets and constructed a fortified camp. Located in the town, Aron and his garrison had no intention to surrender. The Bulgarians had evacuated all livestock from the region and employed scorched earth tactics to try and starve
The Byzantines into a withdrawal. Furthermore, Bulgarian garrisons stationed at the local Boyana and Urvich strongholds began to intercept and destroy Byzantine reconnaissance parties. The siege dragged on for 20 days. In the evenings, the defenders would sally forth from Sredets and harass the Byzantine forces close to their camp.
In one instance, the Bulgarians successfully burned down most of the Roman siege equipment. Hungry, tired, and running out of supplies, Basil began considering a withdrawal to Philippopolis. This course of action became even more appealing when news of an approaching relief force led by
Samuel reached the Byzantine Camp. However, before Basil could even begin the retreat, the Byzantine garrison stationed at Trajan’s Gates abandoned their positions and returned to Philippopolis, leaving the main force in grave danger. Samuel quickly learned of this and took position around
The Northern, Western and Southern Mountain slopes around the pass. News of a Bulgarian ambush began spreading panic among the Byzantine army. To make matters worse, Basil’s officers had convinced the Emperor that Leo Melissinos, the commander of the garrison that had pulled back to Philippopolis, was heading for Constantinople to claim the throne.
This forced Basil to order a quick march, leading to a disorganized and poorly planned retreat. By August 16, the Byzantine army entered the narrow pass, where Samuel’s men had taken position. Proving that history truly does repeat itself, the Emperor’s situation and military
Formation closely resembled that of Nicephorus I during the Battle of Pliska nearly 200 years ago. Stretched into a long column, Basil’s army was comprised of a cavalry vanguard and the infantry located in the rear, while the Emperor, guarded by an elite unit of Armenian footmen,
Was situated in the center of the column. Failing to learn from the mistakes of Emperor Nicephorus, Basil decided to spend the night within the pass, much like the Byzantine army that suffered a crushing defeat near Varbitsa in 811, which we covered in a previous video.
Repeating the failures of the past would prove to be a massive error. Samuel had already positioned his 10,000 strong army on the mountain slopes and surrounded the Romans on 3 sides. Just before dawn, he sounded the attack. The Byzantines were caught off guard,
And their organization quickly began to melt away under the onslaught. Whilst Basil’s elite guard put up a strong resistance, the regular Byzantine infantry in the rear suffered severe losses. Further ahead in the valley, the roman cavalry was still standing its ground. However, in time,
Its formation also began to disintegrate. Realizing that they and their Emperor were in grave danger, Basil’s Armenian infantry began pushing towards a small, forested road. Stuck in the melee, the Armenians began aggressively cutting down everyone in their way, including their own allies, eventually making their way to the nearby passage.
As Basil fled toward Philippopolis, the Byzantine infantry was massacred by Samuel’s men. Whilst some of the cavalry successfully fled the battlefield, most suffered the same fate as the byzantine foot, ending the engagement in a decisive Bulgarian victory. Basil had barely escaped death. The following year, he would have to deal with another revolt
Initiated by Bardas Phocas and a resurgent Bardas Skleros. Upon learning of his brother’s attempted betrayal, Samuel ordered his execution. Now the sole ruler of Bulgaria and with Basil weakened and busy on the domestic front, Samuel vastly expanded Bulgaria, reconquering Moesia
Together with the former capital of Preslav. Yet emperor Basil II was a resilient ruler, and, in time, the Macedonian emperor would prove that the Battle at Trajan’s Gates had only delayed his designs. His four-decade would see Byzantium reach its greatest territorial extent in four centuries,
And his victories in future campaigns would earn Basil II the nickname “Bulgar-Slayer”. In 985, Emperor Basil II deposed his uncle and former advisor – Basil Lekapenos. Having been the power behind the throne for over a decade, while his two nephews ruled in name only, the old eunuch had no intentions of retiring soon.
But Lekapenos had sensed early on that young Basil II aspired to govern himself. Alarmed by the ambition of the legitimate Emperor as much as Lekapenos, the aristocracy of Asia Minor began conspiring with the eunuch. The so-called Anatolian “Dynatoi” or ”the powerful
Ones” rallied behind a general who had helped the two Basils crush a revolt in the late 970s. Now bearing the title of “Domesticos of the Schools”, the illustrious commander Bardas Phocas held command over all of Asia Minor and posed a severe challenge to the rule
Of the young Macedonian Emperor. However, before long, young Basil uncovered his uncle’s attempts to create an anti-imperial coalition. The old Lekapenos was condemned and exiled, and for once, Basil II held a firm grip over the empire’s affairs. Yet soon, the tide would turn against
The young Emperor, and the Byzantine world would be engulfed in a vicious civil strife. Having hoped that his first Bulgarian expedition would bolster his reputation, Basil’s military inexperience achieved the exact opposite. The Emperor’s position couldn’t have been more precarious, after the debacle at the Trajan’s Gates in August 986. Worse, after the
Deposition of his uncle, the Emperor was bold enough to demote several influential officials, most importantly, Bardas Phocas, who now, at least on paper, commanded only the city of Antioch and its surroundings. However, the entirety of Asia Minor was loyal to their former commander.
Joining Phocas’s anti-loyalist camp were Leo Melissinos, whose hasty retreat had caused the disaster at Trajan’s gate, and the former governor of Italy, a man named Delphinus. Around the same time, Bardas Skleros , the former rival of Bardas Phocas,
Arrived in Melitene from Baghdad. This time, however, the old general was here on the invite of Phocas. The two men had negotiated a truce, and Skleros soon headed towards Cappadocia, where his small force of Arab tribesmen and Armenians could link with Phocas’s large army.
Upon arriving in Caesarea, however, old Skleros was captured and imprisoned. Having eliminated a potential threat to his power, Bardas Phocas proclaimed himself Emperor in August 987 and headed towards the Marmara Sea. The commander divided his armies into two.
He planned to blockade the Dardanelles with his part of the army. While the second half, commanded by Delphinus, was to head towards the Asian shore of the Dardanelles. But the ponderous march of the two anti-loyalist forces, combined with their inability to achieve
Naval supremacy, gave Basil enough time to plan a course of action carefully. Having 2/3rds of his empire turned against him, the young Emperor had no other choice but to seek foreign aid. As Delphinus and his men encamped near Chrysopolis,
Basil entered negotiations with the son of the Great Svyatoslav, a certain prince Vladimir, who just so happened to be interested in converting his people -the Rus, to orthodox Christianity. Vladimir agreed to help Basil in return for his sister’s hand in marriage. The very same one that
Had been promised to the Bulgarian nobleman Aron. Securing a wedding with a princess from the Macedonian dynasty was a feat that even the Holy Roman Emperors couldn’t achieve. This secured him military aid from Vladimir, in the form of 6,000 battle-hardened Slavs
And Scandinavians who headed for the Golden Horn to join Basil’s army. Although marrying off his sister to a foreign heathen may have been a blow to the family’s prestige, the Emperor knew that the balance of the civil war and his place on the throne hung on this union. By December 988,
An army of 6000 battle-hardened Slavs and Scandinavians anchored in the Golden Horn. In the meantime, Phocas, who had unsuccessfully tried to secure Abydos, headed towards Chrysopsis—leaving Leo Melissinos behind in charge of the siege. However, before the general could reach far, Basil, now reinforced by his new elite Scandinavian guard, crossed the
Dardanelles and headed towards the enemy camp. On an early January morning, a squadron of Basil’s men sprayed the shore near Delphinus’s base with Greek fire, denying the anti-loyalists a way out. Basil’s main army quickly routed their challengers in a short and decisive clash.
Delphinus was impaled alive in what would become the first of Basil’s many gruesome punishments. In the meantime, a small loyalist army led by the Armenian, Gregory Taronites ravaged the rebel controlled territories. But upon reaching the Euphrates River, the Armenians were defeated
By Phocas’s son, who commanded an army of fresh recruits, generously delivered by the Georgian kingdom of Tao. Unfortunately for Nicephorus Phocas, when rumors of the defeat at Chrysopolis spread throughout Anatolia, his men deserted on mass, returning to their Georgian homeland.
In the meantime, the self-proclaimed Emperor- Phocas had returned to his camp near Abydos, intensifying the city’s siege. By April, Basil and his army had already landed nearby, and Bardas had no choice but to face the young Emperor in battle. However, at the very beginning of the ensuing clash, Phocas suffered a seizure,
Immediately dying. News of their commander’s demise spread mass panic among the Anatolian army. Phocas’s soldiers immediately broke their formation. Hotly pursued by imperial squadrons and routed bit by bit, much of the rebel force was crushed then and there, on the 13th of April,
In front of Abydos. With that victory, Basil had secured his position on the throne. In an unusual display of mercy, much of the rebel command, including Leo Melissinos, lived to see another day. Basil’s dealings in Anatolia weren’t over, however. In Cappadocia,
Skleros was released from captivity and put in charge of the rebellion. Old and half-blind, the senior general secured a truce with Basil, ending the revolt and retiring in Thrace. The final holdout of the rebellion-the city of Antioch surrendered soon after. With the rebellion crushed, Basil led a campaign against the king of Tao-
David III, who had supported Phocas’s revolt. Furthermore, the old monarch had used the chaos of the civil war to put his nephew Bagrat on the throne of the neighboring kingdom of Abkhazia. David had named his relative an heir to his kingdom, meaning that the two
Georgian kingdoms of Tao and Abkhazia were to merge upon his death. This troubled Basil II, who forced King David to accept his peace terms after a brief and poorly recorded campaign. The old monarch was to keep his crown on one significant condition.
Basil was to be adopted by David and named heir to his kingdom. And thus, almost effortlessly, Basil had secured the incorporation of an entirely new province the size of Cilicia. By late 989, the Emperor had already returned to Constantinople. Now he
Could finally focus on what would become his life’s work, restoring the old Balkan provinces of the empire and defeating Samuel of Bulgaria once and for all. Slowed down by a year due to an earthquake in Constantinople, Basil finally departed
For Bulgaria in 991. The Emperor’s strategy was to spend as much time as possible in Bulgaria’s heartland- Macedonia. Reinforced by his small Varangian army and a massive regular army, the Emperor invaded Bulgaria. Instead of inflicting a single crippling defeat on Samuel,
The Romans relied on a more time-consuming but less risky course of action, gradually reducing Bulgarian strongholds in Macedonia over the course of many months. On the other hand, Samuel decided to leave only a tiny defensive force in Bulgaria, knowing that the rugged
Terrain of Macedonia would do much of the defense for him, and decided on an offensive strategy. He besieged and captured Byzantine strongholds around Thessaloniki, Dyrrachium, and Thessaly. However, Basil’s initiative in Macedonia was marked by great success. By 992, Much of western Macedonia was in Byzantine hands. The major stronghold of Beroia was reconquered,
And Bulgaria’s eunuch, tsar-Roman, was captured during a minor confrontation. As you may remember from our previous episode, Roman was the brother of Boris II, who had been arrested and dethroned by Emperor John Tzimiskes in 971. The two brothers had escaped from Byzantine captivity; however,
Only the castrated Roman had made it to Sredets, where he was proclaimed Emperor of Bulgaria. Roman’s title was mostly symbolic, as many of the roles of a monarch were filled by Samuel. Sources are dubious about Roman’s fate after his capture in 991. Some claim that the Bulgarian tsar
Died in captivity, while others state that the tsar was handed out a governorship in Anatolia (the latter being more likely). After the successes of 991, Basil continuously wintered in Bulgaria for the next three years, gradually capturing fortress after fortress. In the meantime, Samuel’s offensive efforts also proved fruitful, with the Bulgarians
Seizing multiple border strongholds, including the major city of Dyrrachium. In the end, luck turned out to be on Samuel’s side when disturbing news from the East forced Basil to return and winter in Constantinople in late 994. While Basil was gradually reducing Bulgarian
Control over Macedonia, a war over the Byzantine vassal emirate of Aleppo was in full motion. This conflict had ended poorly for Basil’s Duke of Antioch – an old general named Michael Bourtzes. In the years prior, the Emperor had refused to appoint another “domesticos of the east,” fearing
Another rebellion. Instead, Basil delegated the duties of protecting the Asian frontier to the Duke of Antioch. This made for a sluggish Byzantine reaction to significant eastern threats, as Bourtzes had to turn directly to Constantinople for assistance. The Fatimid caliph, Al Aziz, exploited this situation, vigorously attempting to transform the
Emirate of Aleppo into yet another province in his transcontinental empire. To accomplish this task, the caliph appointed Manju Takin, one of his most talented generals, as governor of Damascus. Starting in 992, the Turkic general would frequently invade the Arab emirate of Aleppo,
Defeating general Bourtzes in two encounters and capturing the major fortress of Apamea. Yet, Aleppo’s residents vigorously resisted Takin’s attempts to siege their capital city. After spending the winter of 993 and 994 in Damascus, the Fatimid general assembled a large
Force, planning on capturing Aleppo and repelling the city’s Christian allies once and for all. Reinforced by a party led by Leo Melissinos, the Duke of Antioch’s enlarged army of close to 10 000 was still no match for Manju Takin’s force which in all probability was several times larger.
Realizing his position, Bourtzes and Leo marched south to the stronghold of Anartus. The Byzantine army was reinforced by a garrison sent from Aleppo, which linked with the main force en-route. After drawing local recruits from the area around Anartus, Bourtzes felt confident enough
To engage Manju Takin’s force. The Fatimid general reacted quickly, leaving a small party behind to continue the ongoing siege of Aleppo while he moved to intercept the Romans. By September, the two armies had neared each other. Michael Bourtzes and Melissinos had taken position next to a ford on the Orontes River.
Manju Takin’s multiethnic force assembled on the opposite bank. Supposedly, Bourtzes was able to position his men better. Despite that, the Fatimids eventually gained the initiative. Separated from the main Byzantine army, a contingent of Aleppan recruits faced a Fatimid
Squadron of Bedouins and Berbers located on the opposite bank. This section of the battlefield was the first to see action as the Berbers crossed the ford and charged straight at their fellow Muslims. Frightened by the overwhelming enemy numbers, the Aleppans fled, exposing the byzantine rear.
In the meantime, Boutzes’s main force had engaged Manju Takin’s men. Unfortunately for the Romans, the Berbers abstained from pursuing the fleeing Aleppans, instead choosing to assist their general. Soon the Byzantines were struck on two sides. Having already lost as many as 5000 men,
The Duke of the East ordered a retreat, fleeing towards his base in Antioch. This victory Enabled the Fatimids to continue their siege on Aleppo. Manju Takin had no plans of lifting the blockade anytime soon. The Turkic general prepared to winter in enemy territory.
He was supposedly so dedicated to conquering the city that he ordered the construction of Baths and Bazaars within his camp. Realizing the severity of the situation, the Emperor, who had just arrived in Constantinople, began planning a course of action.
A potential fall of Aleppo would open the gates for a Fatimid conquest of Antioch, erasing three centuries of Byzantine progress in the area. Yet Basil was no longer an inexperienced prince. The past ten years had transformed him into an imposing figure, and in the coming spring,
The Emperor would have an opportunity to showcase his abilities again…… In the early 990s, Basil II began revealing his military capabilities. A stickler for discipline, the emperor’s endless inspections of his troops transformed them into a well-oiled military machine. This proved vital in the long campaign in Bulgaria,
Where Byzantine forces successfully conquered important fortresses in the enemy’s heartland. However, by late 994 Basil was forced to leave the Duke of Thessaloniki in charge of the western army and head back to Constantinople. The emperor’s attention was urgently needed in the East. A
Fatimid army under Governor Manjutakin had crippled local Byzantine forces, forcing Duke Michael Bourtzes to retreat to Antioch. By autumn of 994, the important city of Aleppo was besieged by the Fatimid Governor of Syria. The blockade caused severe food shortages and the
Population was on the verge of surrendering. If Aleppo were to fall, the south-eastern frontier would be exposed, threatening to erase three centuries of Byzantine progress in the area. Basil, needed to act fast… Knowing that time is of the essence, Basil spent the winter recruiting and drilling the troops. Once the snow melted,
The army made way to relieve Aleppo. Each man was mounted and had a spare horse or mule. The restless march was carefully planned and would become one of Basil’s most impressive military feats. A journey from Constantinople to Syria that typically took two months, was completed in
SIXTEEN days. Basil’s plan to surprise Manjutakin with speed worked. Outmaneuvered, the Fatimid general hastily burned his camp, lifted the siege, and left for his base at Damascus. With Aleppo saved without a single swing of the sword, Basil continued the campaign of 995 by
Reducing Fatimid gains in Syria and besieging the major Levantine port-city of Tripoli. But back West, the newly appointed Duke of Thessaloniki, Gregory Taronites, proved utterly incapable of checking the advance of Emperor Samuel, and he was now holed up behind the walls of the provincial capital. He tasked his son Asotes with stopping the
Bulgarian raids in the environs of Thessaloniki. Unfortunately for the duke, his son was swiftly defeated and captured by Samuel. This obliged Gregory to sally forth, taking most of the city’s garrison with him, and confront Samuel in battle. After winning a brief skirmish, the
Byzantines chased after the retreating Bulgarians, only to be lured into an ambush. Gregory was cut down, together with most of his men. Word of the events in Macedonia quickly traveled to Syria. At Tripoli, Basil’s attempts to encircle the city proved unsuccessful as he
Could not blockade Fatimid naval supply lines to the fortress. Realizing he must head back; he lifted the siege and marshalled his army to Constantinople. But despite news of the setbacks in the West, Basil opted for a slow and deliberate march back home. Having not adequately visited Anatolia since childhood,
The emperor used this opportunity to make his presence felt. On a vast estate at Caesarea, he was received by Constantine Mellienos. A lavish feast was held for the entire imperial army, until they finally went on their way. Along his itinerary to the capital, Basil continued
Appearing unannounced at the gates of powerful Anatolian aristocrats. And for good reason. His reforms that aimed at aiding small landowners decreased the influence of the aristocracy, which undoubtedly displeased many powerful men. Thus, these friendly visits with the imperial army in tow went a long way in reaffirming any wavering loyalties to the Emperor.
Once in Constantinople, urgent matters of the state needed tending to, keeping Basil busy in the capital. Meanwhile, Samuel had inflicted another defeat, cutting short the career of Gregory’s successor, John Chaldos, after defeating and capturing him in yet another ambush. By this time Samuel made ambushing Byzantine generals his trademark. Confident, during the campaigning
Season of 996, he ventured deep into enemy territory with the bulk of his army, cutting a path of destruction as far as the Peloponnese. Word of the movements of a large Bulgarian army reached Constantinople. Basil sensed an opportunity to cripple Samuel in a single blow,
Now that his forces were concentrated in one place. The emperor appointed the relatively unknown Nicephorus Ouranus as his new general in the west. His task was to harass and intercept the Bulgarian army on their way home. Moving ever closer to the Bulgarian frontier,
Samuel was lured into a false sense of security after he forded the river Spercheios, which swelled after several days of heavy rain. Encamped close to the river, and confident that Ouranos would not be able to cross it, Samuel neglected to conduct a proper
Watch over the Byzantines on the opposite bank. Unbeknownst to the Bulgarian leadership, on July 16th, Ouranos discovered a ford in the river. The Byzantine army crossed to the opposite bank at dusk, and headed towards the enemy camp. Ouranos carefully arrayed his troops in pitch black,
So as to not arouse any suspicion. In a masterfully executed night attack, the Byzantines achieved total surprise. A chaotic melee followed, and the unprepared Bulgarians were crushed next to their encampment. According to some sources, Samuel and his son, Gavril Radomir, evaded capture by lying among the dead bodies of their soldiers. Sometime during
The night, they snuck out as the Byzantines were looting the dead, barely escaping alive to return to their capital of Ohrid. With most of his army dead or captured, the Bulgarian leader offered peace to Basil. Despite achieving a decisive victory,
The emperor accepted the terms, aware that rising tensions in the East prevented him from building momentum against Bulgaria. Basil’s prior expedition into Syria provoked the Fatimid Caliph, Al Aziz, to lead the army himself. He gathered a massive fleet to support
The invasion, but luckily for the Byzantines, almost all his ships perished in a fire that broke out in the harbor. Undeterred, Al Aziz ordered the construction of another fleet, but fate again favored the Byzantines, as the Caliph died in 996 before he had the chance to begin the invasion.
With his passing, civil war engulfed the Caliphate as the Turkic and Berber factions vied for dominance. Using the Fatimid infighting, Basil replaced the ineffective Michael Bourtzes with the more aggressive Damian Dalassenos. Over the next year and a half, the new Duke of Antioch succeeded in capturing several Fatimid fortifications. But his attempts
To capture Tripoli faced the same obstacles that prevented Basil from capturing the city, as the supplies were brought in via the sea. In early 997, Basil expanded the scope of the operations in Syria. The Byzantines assisted an anti-Fatimid revolt in the old Phoenician city
Of Tyre. In the meantime, a major fire broke out in the strategically important city of Apamea, destroying much of its provisions. The Duke of Antioch promptly moved to capture the city, sensing that without supplies Apamea would surrender after a short siege. But the forces from
The emirate of Aleppo reacted faster, reaching the city first to claim it for their emir. By the time Dalassenos reached Apamea, the host from Aleppo was already encamped in front of the walls. To prevent their Muslim vassal from expanding, the Byzantines forced the Aleppans to lift the
Siege. The smaller Muslim host had no option but to comply, but they purposefully left their supplies in the camp as they marched off, which were soon claimed by the garrison of Apamea. With a force of around 10,000, Dalassenos proceeded with the plan to starve the city
Into submission. Meanwhile, the newly appointed governor of Damascus, Jaysh ibn Samsama, was busy crushing the Byzantine-backed anti-Fatimid revolt in Tyre. After successfully entering the city, the Fatimid general moved to Damascus, taking command of a 11,000-strong relief force and heading towards Apamea. Much like four years ago the Fatimid
And Byzantine armies faced each other on the opposite banks of the Orontes River, not far from the city of Apamea. Stationed on the river’s western ford, Samsama’s army was divided into three main lines. The Bedouin cavalry on the left wing, under the command
Of a certain Maysur the Slav. A large center, comprised of Iranian infantrymen, bolstered by reserve cavalry of 500 slave soldiers, under the command of Bishara the Ilkshidid. Further south, likely located on the high ground, was the right wing of the Fatimid army,
Commanded by the Governor of Damascus himself, consisting of Berber and Bedouin horsemen. The exact Byzantine battle formation remains uncertain. However, it is known that the Romans took the initiative. Their center formation was the first to ford the river and engage the Fatimid
Center. The well-drilled Dalassenos’ men quickly gained the upper hand. Fatimid infantry struggled to hold back the enemy. Their formation broke and the troops started fleeing. However, this is when the lack of discipline in the Roman ranks began to show, as many of the men broke formation to pursue
The fleeing enemy, cutting down as many as 2000. Seeing the bulk of the center fleeing, the Fatimid right and left wings followed suit. Only the feared Gilman cavalry of 500 remained in place, heroically resisting a much larger Byzantine contingent for hours.
This is when a Kurdish officer from Bishara spotted Dalassenos. Seeing an opportunity to turn the tide of the battle, he rode towards the Imperial Standard. Accompanied by his two sons and his personal bodyguards, the Kurdish officer approached the small hill where
The Roman general was positioned. Dalassenos, overconfident and believing that the day was won, foolishly assumed that the Kurd and his entourage were coming to surrender. The general approached the Fatimid officer and his small Gilman retinue. But before Dalassenos had the chance to speak,
A Kurdish rider threw a spear at him, killing him instantly. As the Duke of Antioch crumbled to the ground, the Fatimids captured his two sons. Word of the death of Dalassenos quickly made its way to the retreating Fatimid forces. Shouting: “The enemy of God is dead”,
The Fatimids halted their retreat and turned on the Byzantines. Reinforced by the Apamean garrison that sallied forth from the fortification, Samsama managed to stabilize his line and regain the initiative. Caught out of formation, the morale of the Roman soldiers dropped, and they
Began retreating in panic. The clash soon turned into a massacre, and by the end of the day 6000 Byzantine troops lay strewn across the field, a very high casualty figure by medieval standards. Luckily for the Romans, Samsama did not fully exploit his victory at Apamea, having to return
To Damascus to deal with internal issues. To the West, the war between the Bulgarians and Romans had resumed in 997. Once again, the Emperor would be forced to deal with wars on two fronts. But… it would be these challenges that would turn Basil II into the greatest
Emperor of the Macedonian dynasty. More on that, in the next episode. By late 997, Bulgarian Emperor Roman, the last ruler of the Krum dynasty, died in Byzantine captivity. He spent his final years governing a vast estate that was generously
Provided to him by his captor – Basil II. Since his capture, Samuel became de facto ruler, successfully waging war against the Byzantine Empire. But after suffering a crippling defeat in the battle of Sperchios at the hands of Basil II’s star general Nikephoros Ouranos,
Samuel was forced to seek terms. But the year 997 would be a fleeting moment of peace on the western Byzantine frontier, as the two Balkan Empires geared up to continue the war. Neither would rest until one of them was gone for good…
With the death of Emperor Roman, a conclusion to the long Byzantine-Bulgarian war finally seemed to be on the horizon. Byzantine Emperor Basil II now hoped he would have an easier job in carving up Bulgarian lands. However, not long after Roman’s passing, Samuel adopted the title of Tsar. This
Was enough to enrage Basil, who dispatched Ouranos with orders to ruthlessly plunder the Bulgarian countryside. Aware of his diminished strength, Samuel could only ignore the Byzantine incursion. Luckily for the Bulgarian monarch, trouble in the East would once again force
Basil II to divert his attention from the West. In the summer of 998, the Fatimids crushed a Roman army close to Apamea, executing the Byzantine commander of the East – Damian Dellasenos, and seriously endangering the Empire’s eastern frontier. By the autumn of 999, Basil crossed
The Taurus mountains with general Ouranos in tow. The emperor made sure to punish the Fatimid controlled Arqa and Homs, storming and ruthlessly sacking both cities. The latter’s population was supposedly burned alive by Basil’s Varangians while trying to take refuge in a church.
But the Roman advance along the Mediterranean coast was once again halted at the city of Tripoli, where Basil’s army suffered heavy losses in a sally of the local garrison. Despite the minor setback, the speed and effectiveness of Basil’s campaign had convinced the advisors of the
Young puppet caliph Al-Hakim to seek peace. Around 1000AD, a truce would finally be negotiated, ultimately leading to 16 years of uninterrupted peace between Byzantium and the Fatimids. The emperor could finally head home. However, his job in the East was not over yet.
Important news reached Basil en route, while he was wintering in the plains of Tarsus . David III of the Georgian kingdom of Tao had passed away during the early months of 1000AD. 10 years ago, Basil had forced the aging king to adopt him as his son and heir, disrupting David’s old agreement
With his other adopted son-Bagrat III of Abkhazia. Quickly overcoming the grief from the passing of his adoptive “FATHER”, Basil marched to claim his hefty inheritance. Not long after, the kingdom of Tao was officially absorbed by the Byzantine Empire. Basil then toured his new province,
Handing out court titles to local Georgian rulers to ensure their loyalty. In addition, the emperor made sure to show off his army, just in case any of the nobles had any ideas… This seemed to work for the time, and Basil decided to head for Constantinople around mid-1000 AD, leaving the
Capable Ouranos as his new Duke in the East. Ouranos quickly proved himself a competent governor against King Gurgen of Iberia. Dissatisfied with the minor court title he was given by Basil, Gurgen invaded the Byzantine Empire. However, his attempts were quickly
Thwarted by Ouranos, and the Georgians withdrew. Having returned to Constantinople in late 1000 AD, Basil wasted no time in preparing for the the resumption of conflict with Bulgaria. But much had changed in the Balkans during the emperor’s absence. Samuel had successfully invaded Serbia,
Capturing the ruler of the leading principality of Duklja- Ivan Vladimir, before pillaging most of the Dalmatian coast. This aggression towards Byzantine allies could not go unpunished, and in 1001, Basil prepared for a large-scale invasion. He tasked a certain Nikephorus Xiphias with crossing the Balkan Mountains and striking
Into Bulgaria’s old heartland to the north. In the meantime, Basil left a small garrison in Philippopolis and marched towards Sredets. Still haunted memories of the disastrous 989 campaign, the emperor only plundered the city’s environs without laying a siege.
To the east, Xiphias made good progress, capturing the old Bulgarian capitals of Pliska and Preslav, before pressing north towards Durostorum. Devasted by the decades of War, much of Northern Bulgaria was easy prey at this time. Even the almost impregnable stronghold of Durostorum fell into
Byzantine hands without much resistance. Xiphias then plundered his way through Dobruja, leaving garrisons as he went. By the end of the year, the Byzantines had reclaimed their ancient province of Moesia. In the wake of this success, Basil and Xiphias spent the winter in Constantinople,
Making plans for the upcoming campaign in 1002. Once the snow melted, they headed back for the frontier, this time planning to strike at the political heart of the country – Macedonia. Basil’s first stop was the fortress of Beroia. A stronghold that Samuel reconquered around 996.
Again, Basil approached the invasion with tactical and diplomatic wit. He promised hefty rewards and titles to any Bulgarian noble who submitted to Constantinople. The governor of Beroia, a man named Dobromir, who was also married to Samuel’s niece, did not need much convincing.
The town was taken without a siege, and its ruler was rewarded with the title of “PROCONSUL”. It didn’t take long for word of Basil’s leniency to spread, and many nobles from Thessaly, Macedonia, and Bulgaria proper to surrender to the Byzantine Emperor, most notably Dimitar,
The ruler of the fort of Kalindria. Yet not everyone was tempted by Basil’s promises. Nikulitsa, the governor of Servia, resisted the Byzantines for months. Despite that, the fortress of Servia and its headstrong governor were eventually captured by the Romans. Choosing
Mercy over cruelty, Basil gave Nikulitsa the title of patrician, sending the man to a comfortable retirement in Constantinople. But, unfortunately for the emperor, the relentless Bulgarian would escape from the capital and try to retake Servia, only to be captured again. This time
The emperor’s patience had run out, and Nikulitsa was imprisoned for life. Following this fiasco, the emperor headed for the fortress of Voden. Located on a high ridge, this stronghold fell after an intense siege that lasted many months. With these conquests Basil secured control over
Southern Macedonia. However, there was still work to be done in the area. The emperor spent the rest of 1002 rebuilding the devasted fortresses of Thessaly before finally returning to winter in Constantinople. Not wasting any time, Basil was already preparing to lay another siege. This time, his aim was Vidin, Bulgaria’s most important northern
City. An impregnable fortress without which control over the Danube River was impossible. By late spring, Basil was already encamped close to Vidin’s walls, marking the start of what would become the longest siege of the War. For Samuel, the prospect of his key northern city
Falling was unnerving. Depleted of troops, the Tsar had stayed passive while Basil kept reducing his strongholds in Macedonia. But now, he HAD to act. After mustering his diminished army, Samuel marched through Thrace and, by August, reached Adrianople. The Tsar attempted to storm
The city while its garrison was distracted by a festival held on the 15th. However, the town’s sturdy fortifications halted all of Samuel’s attempts. Tired of failing to conquer the city, the Bulgarian monarch thoroughly plundered the local countryside, hoping that this would
Finally trigger a reaction and force Basil to lift the siege and head back for Adrianople. Basil did not take the bait. After an 8-month long blockade, a local Bulgarian bishop led the Byzantine forces inside Vidin. The city had fallen to Basil and with it the
Entirety of Northern Bulgaria. The emperor decided to spend the winter in the town, busying himself with administrative matters. In the meantime, a likely angered Samuel was sluggishly retreating towards Skopje. Word of this reached Basil, and the emperor moved to intercept the Bulgarians. In early spring, the emperor led his men
Southwards through Naissus before reaching the Vardar River, located just south of Skopje. Basil had once again outmaneuvered Samuel, who had not yet entered the city. Encamped on the southern bank of the Vardar just to the east of Skopje , the Tsar’s men were totally unprepared for what was coming. Though highly unlikely,
The few sources we have on the battle, mention that the Bulgarian Tsar repeated the same mistake he made at Sperchios – believing the river to be unfordable and failing to keep an eye on Basil. Much like his general Ouranos, the emperor managed to cross the river at night and surprise Samuel.
Given the Tsar’s military experience and the considerable depth of the Vardar River, this likely isn’t what exactly happened. Nevertheless, Basil found a way to catch Samuel and his ragtag army by surprise. The two forces clashed, Basil’s men severely outnumbering the Bulgarians. Caught off guard, Samuel exposing himself to a Roman attack on
An open field. With that, Basil’s victory was guaranteed before the clash had even started. Despite the fierce resistance of the Bulgarians, their casualties quickly mounted, and Samuel was forced to call a retreat. Basil seems to have not engaged in a pursuit, instead choosing to
Concentrate his efforts on the city of Skopje. Before a proper siege could even begin, however, the city opened its gates to the Romans. Samuel’s defeat at the Battle of Skopje was a minor defeat. Despite this, Basil had ticked off another former Bulgarian capital from his list.
Confident after his victory, the emperor headed for Pernik, a Bulgarian fortress located about 50km southwest of Sredets. Pernik’s governor, Krakra, was not tempted by Basil’s promises of wealth and titles. After months of intensive siege and many losses caused by Krakra’s constant sallying from the fort, the emperor was forced to retreat to Constantinople.
Meanwhile, the absence of Basil allowed Samuel to recapture Skopje soon after. But by 1004 Basil had exhausted Bulgaria and the decisive battle for the survival of the Tsardom was about to begin. After a series of successful campaigns from 1000 – 1004, Emperor Basil began specifically focusing his war aims against Bulgaria itself.
Although far from having lost his ability to fight, Samuel was no longer seen by many as a serious threat to the Balkan themes of the Empire. His raiding expeditions had effectively been reduced to the city of Thessaloniki and immediate area.
Although his men had managed to ambush and capture the region’s governor, Ioannes Chaldus, this small success was outweighed by the setbacks and losses the Bulgarians had suffered over the past four years. On top of this, many of Samuel’s governors were beginning to foresee the future direction
And course of the conflict with Byzantium – a future that did not favor the Bulgarian cause. Bulgarian nobleman were enticed by the prospect of switching allegiances to Constantinople – even Samuel’s own kinsmen. Around the year 1005, Basil received a visit from the Tsar’s son-in-law, Ashot Taronites.
The son of one of Basil’s former governors, Gregory Taronites, Ashot had been captured by Samuel in 995 during a skirmish outside the walls of Thessaloniki. After spending almost a year in prison, he was finally freed and married Samuel’s daughter, Miroslava, before being sent by the Tsar to govern the coastal city of Dyrrachium.
By 1005, however, Taronites and the patriarch of the city’s leading family – a man who just so happened to be Samuel’s father-in-law, John Chryselios – decided to surrender the city to Basil. The gates were opened to the Emperor’s men, allowing for Basil to occupy the city without shedding a drop of blood.
With this great bloodless coup, the Emperor had managed to re-establish control over one of the major Adriatic ports in the Balkans. Sensing weakness, Basil made preparations to bring the full weight of the Byzantine Empire on Samuel of Bulgaria… Between 1005 and 1014, the Roman-Bulgarian conflict de-escalated into a series of low-intensity
Raids and petty campaigns, with few pitched battles taking place. Samuel continued his raids into the suburbs of Thessaloniki, plundering gold and resources. Basil would respond with short, fast-moving punitive expeditions into the southern frontier borders of Bulgaria. It is highly likely that during this 9-year timespan, Basil managed to essentially outsource
The conflict with Bulgarian to his Balkan governors – most notably to the Duke of Philippopolis, Nicephorus Xiphias, and the newly-titled Duke of Thessaloniki, Teophylact Botaneiates, grandfather to a future emperor. Despite his shifted focus on domestic affairs, the Emperor still did not miss out on opportunities
To personally involve himself in campaigns against the Bulgarians. In 1009, he managed to inflict a minor defeat on Samuel at the Battle of Kreta several miles to the east of Thessaloniki. Following this clash, the conflict resumed its trend of low-intensity warfare as Basil’s attention shifted elsewhere within the Empire.
Located on the southernmost tip of the Italian Peninsula, the last possessions of the Roman Empire in its ancient homeland had been subjected to Muslim piracy by the late 10th century. These sporadic raids became more frequent and devastating during the 990s, when Basil
Was preoccupied dealing with enemies on the major frontiers of the Empire. Despite this, a mix of clever diplomacy and the arrival of fresh reinforcements in the early 1000s allowed the Emperor to preserve his Italian provinces. The Byzantine governors, or Catepans of Italy, managed to safeguard many of their cities
From Muslim sacking by appealing to the rising Italian republics of Pisa and Venice. In one such instance, the very seat of the Byzantine Catepan – the Apulian town of Bari – was saved from certain sacking after a squadron of Venetian galleys destroyed the Muslim fleet at the city’s harbor.
Beginning in the early 1000s, the Emperor began diverting more of his attention and manpower toward Italy. He increased the size of local garrisons and sent emissaries bringing lavish gifts to the court of the Kalbid Emirate of Sicily, Ja’far al-Kalbi. As a result, the number of Muslim raids in Byzantine Italy gradually declined during
The first decade of the 11th century. Despite this, Basil would soon be forced to deal with another great nuisance on the peninsula. In 1009, a Lombard nobleman from Bari named Melus managed to seize the town in an attempt to carve out a state of his own in Byzantine Apulia.
Yet the Lombard baron’s plans were laid to waste as the Emperor’s newly-appointed Catepan, Basil Mesardonites, began a siege of the city. After eventually being forced out by the local Greeks in 1011, Melus was forced to seek refuge in Salerno, and so Bari fell back into Byzantine hands.
With Italy stabilized, Emperor Basil began preparations for a final showdown with his old rival, Samuel of Bulgaria. In the early summer of 1014, Basil set out from Constantinople and marched toward Macedonia with an army close to around 30,000 men. In the beginning of his advance, however, the Emperor was only accompanied by 10,000
Men from the regular tagmata forces of Constantinople. During the march, the Byzantine ranks swelled when troops from the Balkan themes linked up with the Emperor along the road to Macedonia. This included men under the leadership of the famed Duke of Philippopolis, Nicephorus Xiphias.
He was to play an important role in the upcoming campaign. In the meantime, Teophylact and his several-thousand-strong garrison were ordered to remain in Thessalonica to guard the oft-targeted city against a potential Bulgarian counteroffensive. Samuel wasted little time in making his own preparations for meeting Basil’s army.
The Tsar and his son, Gavrail Radomir, set out for the mountains of Eastern Macedonia. There, they began blocking the mountain passes and valleys leading into Macedonia with wooden ramparts or “demas” as they were known to the Bulgarians. Samuel made the sturdy fortress of Strumitsa his base of operation.
This strategic fort was located in a narrow valley between the mountains of Belasitsa to the south and Ograzhden in the north. The Tsar and his men blocked a narrow area in the passage, close to the western edge of the valley several miles away from a village called Kleidion.
It was a route frequently utilized by the Bulgarian armies while on campaign. Furthermore, the Tsar’s men had constructed ramparts, blocking any other passages that Basil could use to outflank Samuel – especially around the valley of the nearby Vardar River. Overall, Samuel’s army numbered around 10,000 men, dispersed around the mountains to garrison
The many wooden palisades. The long, tall rampart close to Kleidion was guarded by the largest number of men, probably around 2,000. The Tsar, his son, and the bulk of his army were likely concentrated around Strumitsa. Samuel’s strategy was to wait for Basil to march his men down one of the blocked passages.
This this was done, the wall garrisons would be large enough to hold the Romans long enough for the Tsar to muster his men from the other palisades and quickly march to reinforce the besieged wall. Yet, there was one hitch to Samuel’s plan – the Roman garrison at Thessalonica.
Teophylact could choose to march his men at any moment using an alternative pass. Thus, if Samuel was to concentrate all of his forces around a single palisade, he would risk being flanked in the rear by Teophylact’s forces. And so, the Tsar sent a contingent of cavalry led by General David Nestitoritzes to harass
The Duke . Unfortunately for the Bulgarians, Teophylact had learned of the approaching horse contingent and successfully intercepted in the Third Battle of Thessalonica. The small Bulgarian force was annihilated together with its commander, David. Worse still for Samuel, after this victory, the Duke of Thessalonica and his several-thousand-strong army immediately marched for Bulgaria.
Meanwhile, Basil and the main Byzantine army had already managed to march through Mosynopolis, Serres, and the Rupel Pass and were now heading towards the Kleidion Rampart. Samuel had correctly predicted that the Emperor would use this route, and so he had left his largest garrison division there.
Yet upon receiving the news of David’s defeat in the south, the Tsar and his son quickly realized that they, together with the bulk of their army, were effectively trapped in Strumitsa. The town of Kleidion was too far away from the passes that Teophylact could potentially march through with his men.
If Samuel was to reinforce the defending garrison at Kleidion, he would do so at the risk of being completely surrounded, cut off from any avenue of escape. By mid-July, Basil had encamped his men close to the large Kleidion Rampart.
Almost as soon as he arrived, the Emperor organized a large assault force and attempted to storm the sturdy wooden palisade. As the Byzantines approached the wall, they were showered with arrows and stones launched by the Bulgarian defenders on the ramparts.
Despite their valiant efforts, the Romans failed to climb over or destroy the strong fortification. The Bulgarian defenders, veterans of dozens of campaigns, would put up a dogged resistance against the Byzantines. With Roman casualties climbing rapidly, Basil called off his assault on the wall.
Throughout the coming days, the Emperor would launch a series of unsuccessful attacks to try and capture the palisade. By late July, morale was plummeting in the Byzantine camp. Theophylact and his reinforcements were nowhere within sight, supplies were diminishing fast,
And it was feared that Samuel could appear at any moment with the bulk of his army. Basil began to seriously consider retreating. Yet his trusted general Xiphias persuaded the Emperor to stay and fight. The Duke of Philippopolis and the Emperor knew that it was impossible for the Bulgarians
To block every single small and forested road through the mountains. And so, Basil sent Nicephorus and several cavalry contingents out of the camp to locate an alternative route that would hopefully lead them into the valley and straight into the rear of the Bulgarian army.
On the morning of the 29th of July, 1014, Basil arranged his troops in assault parties, readying himself to storm the palisade one more time. However, before he could even order the advance to commence, the Emperor noticed some type of commotion unfolding behind the enemy lines.
The sound of a thousand galloping hooves smashing into the ground soon filled the air. The Bulgarian defenders overlooking Basil’s men turned their heads in the opposite direction, only to spot Xiphias and his cavalry troopers charging straight at their rear. Panic set in amongst the Bulgarians’ ranks.
The entire defense force on the wall left their positions to confront the charging horsemen. As the Bulgarians smashed into Xiphias’ galloping troopers, Basil realized his plan had worked to perfection. His men stormed the ramparts and destroyed the now-abandoned palisade, then charged straight at the stunned defenders.
As they were about to become pinned between Xiphias’ cavalry and Basil’s footmen, many of the Bulgarians fled in the direction of Strumitsa. Those unable to do so were either hacked down where they stood or captured by the Romans. Desiring to exploit the situation, the Emperor ordered a pursuit.
As the Byzantine forces approached the village of Markievo, they were suddenly met by Samuel and Gavrail’s army, which had sallied forth from Strumista. Basil and Xiphias reacted quickly upon seeing the reinforced and charging Bulgarian army. They immediately ordered a halt to the pursuit and regrouped their lines.
Samuel’s charge was successfully blunted by the Romans, and a vicious, bloody melee clash ensued. Fighting his way across the frontlines and refusing to surrender, the 70-year-old Samuel quickly became trapped in the melee. Realizing his forces were slowly melting away, Gavrail Radomir managed to cut his way through
To his father, mount him on his horse, and retreat to Strumitsa with most of his men. Opting to avoid moving too far into enemy territory, Basil called off the pursuit, bringing an end to the battle. Although a clear-cut Byzantine victory, the Battle of Kleidion resulted in minimal immediate gains for Byzantium.
Yet Samuel had lost many good men at the battle, including nearly 2,000 Bulgarians captured, now at the mercy of the Byzantine Emperor. After the victory, Basil secured some of the region’s local fortresses and marched on to Strumitsa. In the meantime, Gavrail was able to send his father away to the safety of Prilep.
The heir to the Bulgarian throne then moved from Strumitsa into the Vardar River Valley, collecting the defenders of the remaining palisades and preparing to take the fight into the mountains. Now reinforced by the recently-arrived army of Teophylact, Basil and Xiphias marched on Samuel’s former base of operations.
The Byzantines attempted to lay siege to Strumitsa, but failed to make any progress for weeks. Basil decided to send Teophylact to clear a path of retreat towards Thessalonica. Soon after, the Duke entered the Vardar River Valley, destroying the local wooden palisades without any resistance.
As the Byzantine regiment approached ever closer to Thessalonica, they reached a narrow defile of land between the mountains of Belasitsa and Plaush. Just as he began to think of withdrawing back to Basil’s main army, Teophylact and his men spotted suspicious movement on the mountain slopes.
Before they realized what was happening, the Byzantine troops were showered with arrows, stones, and other projectiles from all directions. They had fallen prey to a Bulgarian ambush. As panic set in amongst the Byzantine ranks and hundreds fell from arrow volleys, the ambushers emerged from the slopes and revealed themselves. They were Gavrail’s men.
The Bulgarians swiftly surrounded the shocked Romans on all sides and slaughtered Teophylact’s entire force, including the Duke himself. Furious upon receiving the news of the ambush and the Duke’s death, Basil set out to avenge the fallen general and his men.
The Emperor had captured over 1,000 of Samuel’s men in the Battle of Kleidion. Now, they were to pay the price for their Tsar’s insubordination. In what was seen even at the time as a ruthless punishment, Basil had every 99 of 100 Bulgarian
Soldiers blinded, leaving every 100th man with one eye, to lead his sightless comrades back to their Tsar. The exact number of men blinded or whether or not this cruel punishment even occurred remains uncertain, as it is first mentioned in stories after the Emperor’s reign.
Whatever the case, it was this act that would earn Basil II his immortal nickname, “The Bulgar-Slayer.” With the Byzantine siege of the mountain fortress of Strumitsa having amounted to nothing, emperor Basil finally decided to put the long campaign of 1014 to a halt. After receiving the voluntary
Submission of the Bulgarian stronghold of Melnik, a key guarding point leading to Sredets, the Basileus headed toward Constantinople. Halfway through the journey, when the imperial forces were entering the city of Mossynopolis, a critical message reached the emperor. On October 6th, 1014, Samuel, arguably the most illustrious monarch in Bulgarian history and the
Living symbol of the struggle against Byzantium, passed away. The arrival of the Bulgarian captives of Kleidion supposedly triggered this untimely death. The gruesome picture of the thousand or more blinded Bulgarian soldiers had been too much to handle for the old Tsar, who immediately suffered a heart attack. Several days later, Samuel’s eldest son
Gavrail was crowned as the new Tsar in the major Macedonian stronghold of Bitola. The campaign of 1014 had left a bitter-sweet taste in Basil’s mouth. Despite his overwhelming victory at Kleidion, the emperor had lost one of his most senior commanders in the West and
Sacrificed thousands of skilled veteran soldiers. Aiming to turn the tables and exploit the death of Samuel to its fullest, Basil headed back to Bulgaria. Moving fast in typical fashion, the emperor quickly reached the city of Bitola, catching the modest Bulgarian garrison there by
Surprise and preparing to storm the city. Despite that, the siege would prove brief, as the emperor only resorted to burning a local palace of the late Samuel. While retreating to Thessaloniki, Basil sent two armies under Xiphias and the successor of Teophylakt Botaneiates, a certain Constantine Diogenes, northward
To capture the forts of Shtip and Prilep, both of which fell without much resistance. The following campaigning season of 1015 would prove fruitful for the Byzantines. In August, the emperor cleared the way to Bulgari’s capital, Ohrid, after capturing the city of Muglen.
The city’s garrison was comprised of soldiers mustered from all corners of the rapidly disintegrating Tsardom. These men were commanded by several of the most senior Bulgarian noblemen, who would all fall captive to the emperor. Seeing an opportune moment to showcase his
Merciful side again, Basil won the allegiance of the captured aristocrats by showering them with titles and promises of a lenient Byzantine rule. A week after the fall of Muglen, the Bulgarian Tsar Gavrail was murdered in a conspiracy organized by his cousin Ivan Vladislav,
Who then usurped the throne. Shaky enough beforehand, the Bulgarian state was now hanging by a thread. The morale of the Bulgarian aristocracy was decreasing by the day, and the idea of a imminent Byzantine subjugation now seemed like a favorable alternative to the near-constant war.
Yet several seasoned Bulgarian generals remained fiercely loyal to the Bulgarian cause. Late in 1015, the emperor entered the Bulgarian capital of Ohrid virtually unopposed. On his way to the nearly abandoned city, Basil had left behind a sizeable contingent under the command of the eunuch Orestes. This force was tasked with plundering the
Densely populated plains of Pelagonia. But Orestes’ men were lured and crushed in an ambush organized by Ibatzes, one of Vladislav’s generals. Upon learning of this, Basil left Ohrid and attempted to force Ibatzes into a pitched battle. After several frustrating
Weeks of pursuing and being eluded by Ibatzes the emperor retreated to Thessaloniki. With Tensions flaring up on the Empire’s Eastern frontier, Basil headed back to Constantinople in early 1016. During the emperor’s absence, much had changed on the Eastern edges of the
Byzantine world. A powerful state had emerged in the Caucuses under the reign of King Bagrat III, who had united the two principalities of Abkhazia and Iberia, giving rise to the kingdom of Georgia. In 1014 Bagrat passed away and was succeeded by his ambitious teenage son, George I. The
Adolescent monarch used Byzantium’s distractions in the west to occupy a large portion of the newly established Byzantine theme of Iberia. Aware of the sheer might of the Byzantine war machine, the young and strong-headed George attempted to ally himself with Al-Hakim, the Caliph of the Fatimid
Empire. This Shia Muslim superstate had enjoyed a relationship of relative peace with Byzantium for the last 15 years. Despite that, the so-called “MAD” Caliph would exploit a prolonged succession crisis in the emirate of Aleppo to transform this byzantine vassal state into a Fatimid province.
Refusing to overextend his forces by campaigning on two frontiers, Basil decided to react mildly to the rising Fatimid and Georgian aggression, imposing a trade embargo on the Egyptians while completely ignoring the latter, at least for the time being.
By the end of 1016, Basil was back campaigning in Bulgaria. This time the emperor focused his war aims against the northwestern fringes of the Tsardom. This region, now home to the present-day capital of Bulgaria, was under the rule of a skilled Bulgarian warlord Krakra, who had
Repulsed all prior attempts of Byzantine conquest. This time would be no different, and after an unsuccessful 88-day-long siege on the fortress of Pernik, Basil and his men were sent packing. While the emperor was wintering in Thessaloniki, Krakra and his suzerain Ivan Vladislav attempted
To form an anti-Roman coalition with the feared Pechenegs. These nomads, who ruled over the western fringes of the Eurasian steppe, had made their name known throughout Eastern Europe. Aware of the military prowess of these steppe warriors, Vladislav and his Governor knew that
They were Bulgaria’s only chance of turning the tables in their favor. The Tsar planned to march to the Sofia valley, join his forces with Krakra and take the fight to the subjugated former Bulgarian heartland of Moesia. With the beginning of the campaigning season
Of 1017, Basil marched to the Bulgarian-controlled stronghold of Kastoria. While besieging the city, the emperor was informed of the Bulgarian attempts to ally with the Pechenegs. Deeply concerned by this news, the Basileus left Bulgaria, fortified some of the border strongholds such as Beroia,
And headed northwards. The emperor likely planned on intercepting the Tsar’s force before it could link up with Krakra and his potential nomadic allies. However, before Basil could reach the border, he was informed that the Bulgarian-Pecheneg coalition-building attempts had failed. The shrewd governor of the Danubian city of Drustar-Tzotzikios had successfully discouraged
The Pechenegs from collaborating with Krakra. With the much-needed Pecheneg support failing to materialize, Krakra refused to go on the offensive and risk leaving his fortified position. Tsar Ivan Vladislav was left on his own. As always, Byzantine intelligence quickly transferred this crucial information to Basil, who halted his march northwards and
Returned to the southern border. The emperor planned to continue slowly reducing Bulgarian strongholds in Macedonia. To that aim, Basil encamped near the Bulgarian fort of Setina. This former Hunting residence of Samuel had been repurposed to serve as a storage facility. Setina
Stored extensive amounts of wheat and other resources meant to supply the Bulgarian army for the coming winter, and campaigning season. Basil had already constructed a fortified camp near the stronghold by early autumn. His large force was comprised of Varangians, Tagmata forces,
And a large contingent of Balkan provincial recruits under the overall command of Constantine Diogenes, the new dux of Thessaloniki. Not long after their encampment, the emperor ordered his men to surround the fortress and storm its walls. The small Bulgarian garrison heroically held its position.
After several unsuccessful assaults during the coming days, the emperor decided to call off his men. The reason for this temporary halt of military action was scouting reports of incoming Bulgarian forces. Encamping his men a couple of miles away from the Byzantine position, Ivan Vladislav was preparing to lift the Byzantine siege. Knowing full
Well that the Bulgarians would avoid a pitched battle with a large Byzantine force at any cost, the emperor sent only Constantine’s contingent to engage Vladislav’s force. Basil likely planned to lure the entire Bulgarian army to attack the smaller force of Constantine. Once
The bulk of the Tsar’s army had been engaged, Basil could strike with the rest of his army without leaving his camp abandoned for too long. Vladislav, a skilled general in his own right, had quickly dispersed and hidden his men around the local forested hills. The Tsar then sent a
Small cavalry force close to Diogenes, luring the unsuspecting Romans close to the ridges and swiftly surrounding them. Cornered, Diogenes and his men had no choice but to fight for their lives. The Byzantines were not quick to lose hope,
Knowing that the legendary Bulgar-slayer would not abandon his men. As it turned out, Basil had sent scouts to monitor the skirmish closely. Quickly learning of the Bulgarian ambush, the 60-year-old emperor mounted his horse, personally leading the rest of his forces against the Bulgarians.
Before Basil could even reach the place of the ambush, Bulgarian lookouts informed the Tsar of the incoming imperial force. This news spread like wildfire among the Bulgarian army, causing mass panic, which then resulted in a frantic and disorganized retreat. Diogenes used this, pursuing, and cutting down many of Vladislav’s men.
By the time of Basil’s arrival at the scene, the battle had already been over. The emperor was greeted by a pile of bodies and an almost abandoned Bulgarian camp with a few hundred unlucky soldiers who failed to retreat on time and fell captive, among them the Tsar’s own nephew.
After thoroughly plundering the Bulgarian tents, the emperor resumed the siege of Setina. The stronghold fell shortly after, and its vital provisions soon became Byzantine property. Following this victory, Basil decided to set off for the capital.
But Tsar Ivan Vladislav’s resolve to fight was yet to be crushed. At the turn of 1018, the Bulgarian tsar besieged Dyrrachium. However, before he could achieve much, a devastating enemy sally inflicted heavy casualties on the Bulgarians, with the Tsar himself perishing in battle.
The death of their monarch was probably all the excuse the remaining Bulgarian nobles needed to accept the generous Byzantine terms of submission. After nearly FIFTY years of near-constant warfare, their estates were devastated and their manpower exhausted. They had enough…
The spring of 1018 was a most satisfying one for the aging Basil. The emperor went on a tour around Bulgaria, accepting submissions from local Bulgarian nobles and appointing Byzantine officials. Ironically the first Bulgar aristocrat to pay allegiance to Basil was the unruly Krakra.
Nearly all major magnates of the country followed suit; however, a few did resist. Ever loyal to the Bulgarian cause, Ibatzes fortified himself in his fortress in the Albanian mountains, refusing to surrender. But after several weeks of being besieged by a large
Byzantine army, the old general voluntarily surrendered, only to have his eyes gouged out by his captor. Cruel when he needed to be but merciful when it suited him, Basil skillfully earned the loyalty of the local landholders. The emperor subsequently transformed Bulgaria into a Katepanate, an administrative unit that enjoyed more autonomy than
The core provinces. He allowed many Bulgarian traditions to remain unabated, permitting the payment of taxes in kind and preserving some of the independence of the Bulgarian Church. After completing his tour in Bulgaria, the Basileus traveled to Athens,
The first emperor since Constans II to do so. He attended a ceremony in the Parthenon, which had long been repurposed to serve as a Church, before journeying back to Constantinople. Basil II’s life’s work had been completed. Bulgaria had been subdued.
Yet, for as long as the old emperor could still raise his sword, he would not rest. The East called for his attention yet again. And Basil answered… By the close of the first decade of the 11th century, Emperor Basil II has held the ultimate
Power in Constantinople, for three decades. In that time, he pushed the Roman Empire’s borders back to their ancient line on the Danube River, entering places where the Roman standards have not been seen in centuries. Simultaneously, he has campaigned in the
South and east against the Islamic caliphates, winning great success and keeping the empire’s thousand-year presence in Syria alive. The realm was at its greatest size in almost 400 years, and its treasury full due to prudent economic policies. Basil was now
In his 50s – no other emperor was revered as highly as him since the time of Justinian. But no Caesar is ever without his challengers, however, and two youthful upstarts at opposite ends of the empire are stalking the old lion, looking for signs of weakness.
Could the Lombard Melus of Apulia and the newly crowned King George I from the Caucasus mountains overthrow the longest reigning Roman emperor in history, a man so noted for his prowess in battle that he became known as “the Bulgar Slayer”… In Italy, the southern lands are still firmly in
Imperial hands, along with the western coastal areas around Gaeta, Napoli, and Amalfi. But in 1009, nearly all Lombard principalities of the Mezzojiorno rally behind Melus of Apulia and his brother, Dattus, in an attempt to establish Lombard independence and expel the Roman
Imperial apparatus. Melus seems to genuinely believe in a kind of Lombard nationalism, though it goes without saying that any Lombard kingdom will have him as its monarch. While the Cantabrian region has been Greek in culture for millenia, Apulia is stalwartly
Lombard, a people who have yet to fully assimilate into Italian culture. In addition to heavy Roman taxation and military service, Apulia is also in prime position to endure the worst of North African pirate raids, growing in intensity since the fall of Sicily in the 9th century.
Every year, thousands of Apulians are loaded onto slave boats bound for North Africa, and the Romans seem to have no ability to stop these attacks other than encouraging local militias. These local forces – who have their own naval component – are primed for Melus’s message of independence.
This rise of Lombard hostilities would eventually escalate into a direct clash between the two most powerful states in Europe, the Holy Roman Empire and the Eastern Roman Empire. Simultaneously, in the east, another conflict was about to be ignited as the newly established Kingdom of Georgia was growing ever more militant.
To recover territories lost to the Roman Empire in the last decade of 10th century, George I works to establish an alliance with Fatimid Egypt. “We do not inherit the land from our ancestors. We borrow it from our descendants.” No less energetic than his younger self,
The old Emperor Basil prepares to meet the new challenges head-on and secure his hard won conquests for his successors. Melus’s bid for Lombard independence starts in Bari and then spreads to Ascoli and Trani. The Roman governor of the region, or Catepan, John Kourkas is killed by the rebels, but his successor Basil Mesardonites,
Marshals the resources of the province and along with some effective bribes takes back Bari. Melus’s first rebellion implodes instantly. He escapes to take refuge in Salerno with its ruler, Guimar III, but his wife and children are taken hostage and sent to captivity in Constantinople. After several years of gathering supporters
Throughout the principalities of Southern Italy, Melus begins to grow bold enough to attack imperial Italy again. In 1016, a group of 250 Norman pilgrims passes through the Italian town of Gargano on their way to the shrine at Mont Sant’Angelo.
The man in charge of this band is Rainulf Drengot, a Norman baron who has been exiled from Northern France after murdering a relative of Richard II of Normandy – the grandfather of William the Conqueror. On their way to the shrine, the Normans are intercepted by Melus, who initially amuses
The rough northerners with his manner and what they think is his effeminate style of dress. Nevertheless, Melus makes a convincing case when he explains his aim of liberating the entire Lombard region, and the Normans are certainly tempted by the riches of the warm
And bountiful countryside. Melus recruits Drengot’s men. They promise to assist Melus once they have had a chance to return north and gather some more of their countrymen. The next year, 1017, the crew of Norman Mercenaries and their new employer link
With the rest of Melus’s army at Capua. Not long after, Melus and his men invade imperial Apulia from the north. By the end of 1017, the joint Norman-Lombard forces occupied much of Northern Apulia. Worried about the situation in Italy, Basil dispatches reinforcements of Roman regulars, Bulgarians, and his own northern warriors,
Who have arrived courtesy of Vladimir I of Kiev, to whom Basil gifted the hand of his sister Anna in marriage. This ferocious contingent is coming make a name for themselves in the palaces of Constantinople and the wider realm of the empire: the Varangian Guard. The new commander of Roman Calabria and Apulia,
Basil Boioanes, proves extremely effective. Boioanes meets Melus close to the Ofanto River, not too far away from Cannae, where 1200 years before, the Romans suffered one of their most infamous defeats against Hannibal. Just as in that ancient battle, the Romans of Basil’s time vastly outnumber their enemy. It is said that they swarmed
“like bees from a hive” over the battlefield and to the daunted Normans and Lombards it appeared that when their long lances were held upright, they looked like “a field of cane.” The heavily armored cataphracts run roughshod over the rebels, who it was said fought bravely but
Only to put off the inevitable. By the end of the day, Melus’ host was overrun and driven off the field. After annihilating Melus’s army, Basil’s Varangians convince the surviving number of their Norman cousins to enter Roman service. This decision to recruit the Normans in Italy rather than vanquish them would
Eventually enable the Normans to push both of their former employers, the Romans AND Lombards, out of power in Italy. In the early 11th century, however, they prove to be an excellent addition to the imperial garrison in Italy. Soon after his defeat, Melus’s cause once more collapses, forcing him to seek refuge within the
Court of the Holy Roman Emperor, Henry II. Boioanes, meanwhile, sets out to secure the frontiers of his province. By 1019 he adds some Lombard territory to his catepanate, and work begins on a chain of fortifications along the full width of the peninsula,
With the aim of protecting the imperial domains from any northern incursions. The decisive victory at Cannae caused both the principalities of Capua-Benevento and Salerno to shift their loyalties towards Constantinople, turning their back on their formal suzerain – Henry II, the Holy Roman Emperor. Boioanes also captures Melus’s brother Dattus and
Has him executed in the old Roman style. Dattus is shoved into a sack along with a monkey, a snake, and a rooster and then thrown into a river. Given that Boioanes serves an emperor that once had more than 10,000 prisoners of war blinded and pitifully marched back home to their kinsmen in
Bulgaria, this stern medicine is not surprising. It seems to have enraged the Pope and of course Melus, and they both prevail upon their patron Henry for retributive justice. The simultaneous loss of Capua-Benevento and Salerno, and with them the vital pass of Monte Cassino, has opened the road to Rome for Basil’s forces.
For the first time in many years, perhaps even centuries, the emperor in Constantinople appears to have a chance at conquering the entire peninsula up to the Alps. Henry, with so much of his symbolic power and legitimacy resting on control of Rome, cannot allow this.
In 1021, Henry launches an invasion in Italy. Having one of the mightiest armies in Europe on their doorstep no doubt unnerves both Basils, yet Boioanes has done his best to prepare for this invasion. Henry’s force is split into three columns.
The first is under the command of Pilgrim, Archbishop of Cologne, and travels down the western seaboard to bring the recalcitrant Lombard duchies there back under the Western banner. Passing through Capua and then taking hostages after a month long siege of Salerno,
Pilgrim leaves to join Henry, who travels down the eastern coast, and Poppo, Archbishop of Aquilea, who has traveled down the central Apennines, before they meet with the Pope at Benevento. The three columns converge at Troia and place the fortress under siege in the early days of April,
1022. The huge army fails to make a dent in Boioanes’s defenses, or to upset his Norman garrison. The possession of Troia is necessary for Henry to proceed south, but its defenses in the mountains are too great a challenge, and there
Is no success in persuading any of the defenders into treachery as Pilgrim had done at Capua. The weeks turn into months, and the inevitable heat of a south Italian summer begins to wear on the north European troops. By June, dysentery and malaria spread, slowly melting Henry’s ranks.
In addition, the Holy Roman Emperor suffers discomfort due to a gallstone. Seeing no other option, Henry decides to return to Germany, effectively abandoning his campaign. Boioanes has stopped the biggest army of Western Europe without even leaving his base at Bari. Much
Like his Roman ancestor Fabius with Hannibal over 1000 years previously, the Catepan had defeated the invaders by avoiding an open battle with them. Furthermore, Basil II’s ability to recognize and appoint talented commanders had saved the day. But while Henry II’s invasion of Italy unfolded,
Basil II’s own campaigning is directed elsewhere. By the late 1010s, tensions on the eastern fringes of the Roman Empire are reaching a boiling point. The newly established Georgian kingdom and its young and rash King – George I, has ignited the conflict. Back in 1014, the newly crowned monarch
Of Georgia had occupied Roman territory and secured many alliances with the local Armenian, Georgian, and Kurdish principalities. However, his most significant diplomatic success was his pact with the unstable Fatimid caliph Al-Hakim, who in 1009 had ordered the burning of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Perhaps unsurprisingly,
This alliance fell apart following the mysterious disappearance of the Mad Caliph in 1021. This curious event presents a perfect opportunity for Basil II. Around the same year, the 63-year-old emperor musters an army of close to 30,000 and sets out for the East.
Aiming to surprise his enemies, Basil keeps his ultimate destination a secret. His officers are expecting to campaign against the Fatimids, but instead, the emperor encamps near the city of Theodosiopolis, the capital of the newly established Iberian theme. From there, Basil requests all his Caucasian allies, including the young George, to visit
And pay respects to him. When quite expectedly, the Georgian King fails to respect the summons, Basil destroys nearby Georgian towns and begins to mobilize his force for an invasion of the kingdom. In return, George invades Roman territory and burns the town of Oltisi, which Basil had likely planned to use as a stopping
Point for resupply. Following that, the young King immediately heads back northwards. Closely following every movement of his opponent, Basil moves in his direction. The Roman and Georgian armies are divided by a considerable distance. Yet once again, the mobility of Basil’s army would be the determining factor in the outcome of the conflict.
As George marches his men through a swampy area named Shirimni just to the west of Lake Palakazio, now known as Lake Childir, the southernmost section of his army is attacked by the vanguard of the Roman cavalry. The King quickly comes to the realization
That Basil has somehow overtaken him. Wasting no time, George hastens the main body of his men, leaving the engaged portion of the army to fend for itself. Luckily for him, the commander of the southern Georgian contingents – Liparitis – proves to be sturdy.
The attack of the Roman vanguard is repulsed. Yet soon, the Caucasian contingent is forced to face an attack from the recently arrived Roman main force. Incredibly, this assault is repulsed again. Eventually, the strength of Liparitis and his men begins to leave them. Stuck in the mud and with the bulk of the Georgian
Army having already escaped to safety, the small contingent faces one final Roman assault. This proves to be the finishing blow for Liparitis and his men. Despite winning the engagement, Basil has failed to achieve his goal of intercepting the entirety of the Georgian army. Liparitis’ heroic stance enables George and his men to
Escape to the mountains, where they are joined by allies from the Caucasus. Angered by this fact, Basil wreaks havoc in mainland Georgia for the entirety of the remaining autumn, plundering settlements from 12 different Georgian provinces. At the end of 1021, the emperor withdraws to winter quarters in the Black Sea port city of
Trebizond. While staying there, the Basileus opens negotiations with George, which would continue in an atmosphere of distrust throughout the year. In the meantime, Basil secures a massive addition to his empire in December. Unable to defend his lands from Kurdish and Turkic raids,
The Armenian King of Vaspurakan- Senecherim, surrenders his kingdom to Basil in return for an estate deeper into Anatolia. By this point, the old emperor has made it a tradition of his to acquire vast territories in the East without sacrificing a single Roman soldier. This positive development is tempered by
An unexpected revolt in Anatolia, which catches the emperor unprepared while he is still in Trabzon. Nicephorus Xiphias, the hero from Kleidion who played a crucial role in Basil’s Bulgarian conquest, is now preparing to stab his monarch in the back. The 64-year-old Basil has not sired any heirs, having spent his entire reign on
The frontier without marrying. As such, the throne seems ripe for the picking. And thus, Xiphias – a former friend and a trusted general of Basil, revolts against his suzerain. Shortly after his exploits at Kleidion, Xiphias had been put in control of the province of
Anatolikon, a region that is essentially in the backyard of Basil’s current theater of war. The general turned rebel teams up with a certain magnate named Nicephorus Phocas – the son of Bardas Phocas – but unfortunately for the two men, the revolt
Would only gather supporters in Cappadocia. While the Phocas name carries significant weight in Anatolia, Xiphias was a stranger to the local elites. His past exploits in the west did not do much to increase his popularity in the east. Unsurprisingly, the relationship between Xiphias
And Phocas quickly becomes strained. Allowing jealousy to get the best of him, the governor of Anatolikon kills Phocas in August. Following this, the revolt collapses. Eventually, Xiphias’ bid for the throne ends in his arrest. The general is spared and forced to
Become a monk by Basil, who likely still holds respect for his former friend. In the meantime, King George has begun to show willingness to negotiate for peace. This proves to be a bluff though as George is evidently looking for an opening to attack.
Around September, the Georgians invade the region of Phasiane. Basil answers by moving his army from the fort of Mazdat, where his men have been stationed throughout most of 1022. As the emperor is moving close, he expects George to shy away from an open battle. Yet
Instead of pursuit, the emperor gets ambushed, a military tactic to which he had grown accustomed in the long decades of his reign. In the mid-autumn, the imperial army has encamped close to a town named Svindax. Otherwise thorough in his reconnaissance,
Basil, who was perhaps confident that the Caucasian army would not dare a confrontation, fails to properly scout the area. As such, the emperor does not spot the incoming Georgian army which immediately launches an assault upon its arrival.
As the Roman army files out of its encampment, George orders his cavalry to attack. The Georgian horse follows up the infantry advance and clashes with the surprised Romans. Although their attack is frantic and disorganized, the Georgians inflict serious damage to the Romans. The engaged imperial units are soon turned to flight.
Quick to believe the battle had been won, the Georgian cavalry leaves the battlefield to plunder the Roman camp, exposing George and his infantry. Further away, Basil successfully regroups his fleeing men. With his Varangians leading the way, the emperor clashes against the Georgian foot. The fight isn’t even a contest,
As the Romans quickly began mauling George’s exposed infantry. The raiding Georgian cavalry soon attempts to aid their King but to no avail. Their horses are rendered useless from the heavy booty they insist on carrying with them. With his army beginning to suffer severe losses, George orders a retreat.
Eventually, after suffering more casualties along the way, the King and his surviving men manage to make it to the safety of the nearby Tsionis castle. Basil has accomplished his goal, and the Georgian king has been decisively defeated in a single encounter. Seeing the writing on the wall,
George decides to relent and accept Basil’s peace terms. The territory he had occupied back in 1014 is returned to Constantinople. To make sure George would be true to his word, the emperor takes his young son Bagrates as an honorary hostage. Basil has once again successfully secured the east.
By 1023, the basileus is back in Constantinople. Ignoring the fact that he is approaching 70, the emperor turns his eyes to the west, preparing to retake Sicily for his empire. Yet this final invasion was not to be. Basil II passed away on the 15th of December 1025, after
Residing on the Roman throne for nearly 50 years. He was buried at the church of the Holy Apostles, taking his deserved place of rest, next to the other giant figures of Roman histories, such as Constantine and Justinian. Basil’s story was a unique one. Unlike
Other great conquerors of history, the Bulgar Slayer wasn’t born with any natural talent for warfare. He did not have a military upbringing or an imposing outside appearance. What Basil managed to achieve was the result of sheer determination and an unrivaled devotion to
His imperial occupation – inheriting the Roman Empire as a sickly boy dominated by advisers and power-hungry nobles and leaving it as one of the the greatest rulers known to Eastern Roman history.
41 Comments
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🚩 Basil II's persistent and successful war against a strong Bulgarian kingdom under its tsar Samuel established Eastern Roman Empire's domination over the Balkans after four hundred years of tribes and khanates dominating the region. In the east, he scored military victories against the Fatimids and Georgians, as well as extending the empire's influence into Armenia and Syria.
His frugal policies stabilized the treasury and the state, leaving the empire the strongest it has been in centuries, militarily and economically. But for all his achievements he neglected his duty of siring an heir to the throne. This two-hour video is a story about his reign.
There's an error right at the beginning of the documentary. You say "peace in the mid 1900s" I think you said it wrong xD
Thank you for the glorious content you and your team put together. Have a good day.
also known under the nickname "ho Boulgaroktónos" the bulgar-slayer
Please Cover a video over Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC.
Oprah the Bulgar Slayer has a better ring. I was just trying on names with "the bulgar slayer" and that's my favorite.
The WG code does not work for existing players.
End hannibal series
The subtitles are right, but the voice isn’t at the start. Definitely NOT the mid 1900s when this happened XD
I’m so happy, You made my day ❤
It was an informative and wonderful historical coverage work shared by an excellent ( History Marche) channel. Thanks for sharing..episode about (Basil II )emporium preserved eastern Roman (Byzantine ) superpowers
Can you make a video of how the reign of emporerr Basil II may have contributed to the fall of rome?
Could anyone write the title of the music in 21:34?
lekapenos – sounds like lack a penis – and he was a eunuch…….appropriately named, that one.
Basileios It was the Aurelian of his age. The Romans needed emperors like him after the restoration of the empire after reconquering Constantinople from the Latins.
So we should have belisaurius series on the channel!! Like for history marche to see guys 🙂
👍👍👍
The best Byzantine (Eastern Rome) emperor ever! Great video!
Chadius Basilus. It’s never a bad time for a Basil II video.
Do one for Ilyrian Empier
These long documentaries really helps block out the current world of politics and religion. Keeps my head from exploding. Thank you!
Congratulations on 1 million
Macedonian emperor basil 2 🇲🇰 🇲🇰 🇲🇰
We look forward to more videos about the Eastern Roman Empire based in Asia Minor. Today's Turks are becoming more aware of their Eastern Roman heritage every day.
Thank u and your people and your hard work for this video, as always once I start watching your videos and its content I cannot stop watching until the end, thanks.
🧐
This is a real treat… probably the best content available on this overshadowed Roman era
Such a great series!
The mid-nineteen hundreds? The city is Constantinople and the empire Eastern Roman or simply Roman, not Byzantium and Byzantine empire. You have "Roman Empire" across Anatolia. If you asked a resident of the 900's, they probably would not even know the city had been named Byzantion and then Byzantium. It is always Constantinople or the Roman Empire not Byzantium which had not existed as a name since the 4th century AD and there never was a 'Byzantine empire". Stick to one or the other. The military history you present though is excellent and well detailed.
Eeeeerrrrr…..mid-nineteen hundreds…..?? First few moments…..
This is the most
definitive documentary on Basil 2nd anywhere.
Period!!
0:05: 👑 Basil II's rise to power shifts the balance of power in the Byzantine Empire and leads to a revival.
11:58: ⚔️ Basil II launches a strategic invasion of Larissa, leading to a power struggle within the Byzantine Empire.
22:06: ⚔️ Bardas Phocas seizes power as Emperor, plans to blockade Dardanelles with divided army.
31:37: ⚔️ Struggle for control over Aleppo between Bulgaria and Byzantine, leading to disastrous consequences for Duke Antioch.
41:38: ⚔️ Byzantine forces strategically outmaneuver Bulgarian army near Spercheios River.
51:42: ⚔️ Byzantine Emperor Basil II faces challenges from Bulgaria and Fatimids, while maintaining focus on the Eastern border.
1:01:58: ⚔️ Basil II surprises Samuel of Bulgaria and secures victory in the battle.
1:10:36: 🏰 Samuel strategically fortifies stronghold in narrow valley, while Basil's forces increase in numbers.
1:18:19: ⚔️ Samuel's army faces Roman forces, leading to a bloody conflict as the elderly Samuel gets trapped in battle.
1:26:27: 👑 Rise of a powerful state in Caucuses under King Bagrat III and his ambitious teenage son George I.
1:37:14: ⚔️ Basil II's conquests and administration in Bulgaria and Athens showcased his strategic prowess and diplomatic finesse.
1:46:48: 💥 Boioanes consolidates power in Italy, defeats Melus, and expands territory at the expense of Lombards.
1:56:56: 👑 Nicephorus Xiphias rises against Emperor Basil II, threatening his rule and control over Anatolikon.
Timestamps by Tammy AI
Basil II will always be an exceedingly interesting figure in world history. He isn't talked about enough by people in the west.
Hi HistoryMarche can you make video on india
“The mid 1900’s” dang didn’t take long to have a misread
the Bardsar Phokas rebellion was after the battle of arcadiopolis,
LUL Bulgarian, fake empire
The Balkans wishes these events were going down there in the mid 1900’s…as opposed to being fought over by Germany & Britain, then occupied, fought over by Germany & Russia, occupied again, followed by the lowering of the Iron Curtain between them and the West and the beginning of the Cold War, whose end would foment genocidal conflict!
Congrats on 1 milion subscribers
Bardas Phokas: a seizure will do
Thanks!